Why are the Hungary elections so important for the EU?

TOPIC 98

The recent electoral results in Hungary only show the consolidation – if it was not already – in the power of the despotism of its president Viktor Orbán. Since 2010, the Hungarian prime minister has relentlessly extended his tentacles into every sphere of society, relegating any alternative to a mere vague, unattainable aspiration. However, his arrogant, unpredictable and despotic character impacts not only within his borders, but directly affects all the countries of the European Union at a time that is already extremely delicate.


International Relations

“Our victory has been so great that it can be seen from the moon”: this is how Viktor Orbán celebrated his victory in the Hungarian legislative elections on April 4 before a mass of Hungarian citizens who chanted his name. Fidesz, the formation of the ultraconservative leader obtained 53% of the votes and 135 seats, two more than in the previous elections. The opposition, for its part, obtained 35%, which translates into only 56 parliamentarians.

Among many other things, to put us in context, Orbán changed the Hungarian Constitution to restrict same-sex marriage, deleted an article from it on equal pay, limited the right to strike or censored independent media. In 2015, in the midst of the refugee crisis, he delivered a controversial anti-immigration speech in which he openly opposed Brussels’ quota policy to accommodate the displaced.

How is it explained then that, in the midst of war and with the growing refugee crisis, Orbán has obtained such an overwhelming victory?

In the first place, and the most determining factor, is the roots of the extreme right in the country, which in recent years has been governed by a profoundly nationalist and Christian social ideal. Thus, this would be Orbán’s fourth consecutive victory and the fifth of his career, which has the support of other European leaders of the same ideology.

On the other hand, his absolute majority may also have been reinforced by his ambiguous position on the Ukraine-Russia conflict. With more than 4 million displaced Ukrainians (more than 400,000 of whom are in Hungary), Orbán has tried to show some flexibility in his “no immigration” policy. In a recent interview with Al Jazeera, the Hungarian president stated that he would continue to detain migrants from other countries, but that he would provide all kinds of help to refugees from Ukraine. An openly xenophobic and hypocritical position, but one that has been well received among his followers.

And the last factor is that, despite the condemnation of the Russian invasion, Orbán tries to remain faithful to Putin, opposing the sanctions applied to energy, a supply on which the country depends enormously on him. Budapest has also announced that it will not allow arms to be sent to Ukraine or other countries to send them through its country.

The vindication of national identity, skepticism towards the European Union (EU) or rejection of immigration are some of the things shared by far-right parties and movements in Europe. However, it is precisely their position on the war in Ukraine that sets them apart. While for Orbán Russia is a benchmark, an illiberal and ultra-conservative regime that he aspires to establish in his country, countries like Poland are totally against Russian expansionism. Thus, Orbán’s victory could open a crack in the Polish-Hungarian axis consolidated in recent years, which would also weaken his position in Brussels.

Zelensky, for his part, regrets not having Hungary as an ally, but he does say he feels sure that the country will not block his possible accession to the European Union, since this would mean openly declaring his support for Putin.

Jimena de Diego


Human Rights & Development

Victor Orbán has been erected for the fourth time with the victory in the Hungarian legislative elections, and not even the union of the rest of the parties has been able to face it. From the point of view of human rights, we judge that the Orbán government has the characteristics of dictatorial governments. Hungarian citizens, especially the oldest, see in that party the one that put a solution to communism.

We remember once, talking to an elderly Hungarian woman, in the small kitchen of her humble home, how she was a faithful Fidesz voter. The rest were “communist” options, which could bankrupt the country.

Through the eyes of our personal perspective living in Hungary, there is no democratic pluralism in the country. Only the power of a single party. Orbán has become the symbol of Hungary as if it were his monarch.

We are not only using the example of our interview with the old woman for this. In rural Hungary and with few economic means, we see how this extreme right uses means typical of a cacique, especially with elderly citizens and/or at risk of social exclusion.

There is even a political party based on political parody and artistic performance: the Three-Headed Dog party. Their motto is “Long Live” and “Free Beer”. Although it is a parody, we hope that this message sinks in with the public and that it begins to exercise its critical spirit towards Fidesz, which has flooded the city with soccer fields instead of reforming hospitals that are falling apart. We ourselves volunteered at one of those hospitals.

Let us hope that, in the next elections, Hungarian citizens will vote for a government that promotes their rights and social policies.

María Muñoz


Economy

The recent victory of Viktor Orbán’s Hungarian Civic Union (Fidesz) party coincides with a Hungary that already surpasses Portugal in GDP per capita and is close to Spain, according to Eurostat. After the rescue by the IMF in 2010 with 20,000 million euros, together with innovative economic measures, the GDP began to take off notably, while unemployment decreased. Among the Visegrad countries, the Hungarian has been the highest evolution, as its growth rate was 7.1%, compared to the EU average of 5.2%.

In 2012, the labor market became more flexible, thus reducing the tax burdens linked to employment, and mitigating the dismissal rate. In addition, the tax reduction in key sectors and in Corporate Tax from 19% to 9% is distinguished. In 2016, Orbán announced that he would raise the minimum wage – particularly for specialized jobs – and lower corporate taxes in order to stimulate international business. These measures were part of a six-year economic program designed in conjunction with the Minister of National Economy Mihaly Varga. At the beginning of his mandate, in 2010, the minimum interprofessional salary was around 73,500 forints (equivalent to €200), while in April 2022 it reached 200,000 forints (€538), thus evidencing great growth.

During his mandate, he has carried out protectionist economic policies, which have been able to benefit the local oligarchs, and derived in an accentuation of social inequalities, highlighting the weakening of pro-worker conservatism. On the other hand, over the past decade, Orbán has had the intention of expanding pensions for retirees, in addition to restoring the Hungarian demographic decline, which sustains one of the lowest birth rates in Europe, through beneficial measures for mothers in personal income tax. The latter was also reduced for citizens under 25 years of age, in order to encourage the creation of companies and projects. Finally, severe financial regulations have favored the reduction of public debt – the debt fell from 80% in 2010 to 65% in 2019 -, and financial vulnerability, now prioritizing the national currency over foreign currencies. In his new term, the prime minister intends to follow similar economic measures.

However, Orbán has been accused by Brussels of attacks on the rule of law, in addition to dealing closely with the justice system and the media. Along with Poland, the EU Court of Justice has cut Hungary’s funding for its authoritarian nature, according to European rights groups. For now, it has frozen 7,000 million euros for the government’s trajectory of rights and democratic values ​​in recent years. Hence, it is called the most corrupt government in Hungarian history by Hungarian oppositionist Péter Márki-Zav, who tried to combat government propaganda by touring the country to talk to citizens ahead of the elections.

Clara Jiménez Rogríguez


Society & Culture

For a few years now, the elections in Hungary have been a cause for concern at European level. With LePen’s popularity on the rise, the Hungarian elections could mark a before and after in the way member states are configured. With polarity as the flag, the political future of the states depends on the introduction of the parties considered to be far-right within the political institutions of the member countries.

Viktor Orbán has been victorious for the fourth time in the last elections on April 3. Orbán has established himself as the captain of the Hungarian ship, where despite the great opposition made by his competitors, the leader of Fidesz has obtained more support in the Hungarian national parliament, which offers him legitimate support in the face of pressure from Brussels. . In addition, the European Commission recently sanctioned the president’s government for the approval. Orbán’s campaign slogan was “Orban or Europe”. Orbán’s new victory is one more blow to a European Union that is very worn out and without a clear leadership, after the departure of Merkel and Macron’s internal problems.

The war in Ukraine and Russia has been one of the social issues that have occupied the electoral campaign. Orbán is the only European leader who has openly criticized Zelensky. He was a participant in the package of Western sanctions against Russia, but the leader of Fidesz does not deny his good relationship with Vladimir Putin and flatly refuses to supply weapons to Ukraine, as many of his neighbors have done. Despite this, Hungary is one of the border countries that has received the most refugees within its borders.

Orbán is increasingly isolating Hungary from both the European Union and NATO. After all, he is a present example of how the most conservative populism has been in power for years, charting its own path and establishing Hungary as a key country in joint decision-making for both organizations.

While the strength of the EU and NATO lies in the unanimity of their actors, Hungary stands out for its alternative culture, which all member countries look at with fear of a rebellion. The Hungarian prime minister is not a comfortable partner. He has chosen to establish strong ties with authoritarian leaders such as Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping. Hungary does things differently, and this encourages common ideologies in Europe and terrifies the big elites in Brussels.

However, Orbán’s victory drives an even deeper gap within Hungarian society, where there is an increasing differentiation between big cities and rural areas, where two portraits of the prime minister are painted in totally opposite ways: for a one hand, a corrupt swindler and friend of Putin, and on the other, the savior of Hungary, little less than a national hero.

Beatriz Tomé


Environment & Health

In June 2021, Hungary passed a law that prohibited people under the age of 18 from accessing materials that promoted or portrayed “divergences of identity corresponding to the person’s sex at birth or homosexuality”. The new law violated the rights to freedom of expression, education and freedom from discrimination. The European Commission launched an infringement procedure against Hungary a month later, accusing the government of violating human rights. Almost a year after the approval of this law, the former Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbán, has been re-elected with 54% of the votes.

In his 10 years as Prime Minister of the country, Viktor’s government passed multiple laws that violate human rights. In recent years, according to Human Rights Watch, the Orbán government used the Covid-19 pandemic as a pretext to continue attacking the rule of law and democratic institutions. They declared a state of emergency in March, seizing unlimited power to rule by decree without parliamentary or judicial review. Before the state of emergency was lifted in mid-June, the government had issued hundreds of decrees, including on issues unrelated to public health. The government made access to asylum nearly impossible, interfered with independent media and academia, launched an attack on members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community, and undermined women’s rights. .

In terms of environmental policy, Hungary stands out for lacking a strong climate change policy. The government has tried to give itself a greener image by signing the Paris Agreement and adhering to EU agreements. However, he has fought to weaken the eurogroup’s environmental ambitions, arguing that it needs higher emissions quotas as a least developed country, and blocking the EU’s plan to become carbon neutral by 2050. According to the Hungarian Energy Efficiency Institute (MEHI ), Hungary uses 87% more energy than the EU average per unit of GDP. This is due in part to low energy prices, especially for households, which have featured prominently in the government’s “utility price reduction” program.

Both the protection of the environment and human rights are seriously threatened by the government of Viktor Orbán. His stance on these issues has left Hungary increasingly isolated among its Western allies, but he has proven popular with voters, especially those in rural areas.

María de Alfonso

Despotic figures such as Viktor Orbán only underline the need to take action against the constant attacks on the rule of law by certain leaders. If we do not want to regress in rights and freedoms, certain actions cannot go unpunished.

Translators: José Cáceres, María Lorente, Carmen Gómez, Javier Díaz

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